|
By Mark Danner
November 02, 2000
Few of our predilections seem more distinctly
modern than the compulsion to name "our era" and thereby claim
it. Last month, gazing upon the vast concoction of sports, commercials,
and entertainment that NBC presented to them as the XXIV Olympic Games,
Americans saw the Information Age give way to the Age of "Content"—and
they found themselves decidedly displeased.
Critics, almost universally, denounced the Olympic broadcasts. Sports
fans, in letters columns and on talk shows, excoriated them. And viewers,
increasingly, refused to view them, leaving NBC with ratings scarcely
two thirds those of the 1996 Atlanta games. Criticism concentrated on
NBC's intrusive production, which led, as one viewer wrote bitterly to
the Los Angeles Times, to "an almost complete lack of sports
coverage." "Packaged and overproduced" as well as "after-the-fact,"
according to The Washington Post, NBC's Olympics were larded with
"overwritten, overproduced hokum, orchestrated with elevator music
and photographed through lenses smeared with schmaltz" (St. Louis
Post-Dispatch), producing a "lethal mix: features so melodramatic
they are unintentionally comic, and a style so choppy it attenuates suspense
instead of building it, so slick it is nearly impossible to tell the commercials
from the so-called reporting" (The New York Times). "In
its relentless search for high drama," wrote the Times critic,
"NBC has stumbled into high camp." [1]
Kitsch ("marked especially by sentimentalism, sensationalism and
slickness") might be more accurate, the more so because the word's
root—kitschen: "to smear (as if with mud)"—seems
so accurately to describe NBC's narrative method: the smearing together
of elements that viewers expect to be separate. Track star Michael Johnson,
in slow motion, accompanied by a portentous musical score, charged into
the broadcast's opening "promo." He returned a little while
later, reenacting his Atlanta triumphs in an "up-close-and-personal"
feature (complete with more heroically scored slow-motion striding). He
materialized again, this time "live, on tape" in his 400-meter
final, to run to victory—and kept right on running, directly onto
an enormous cell-phone keypad in a Samsung commercial, where he burbled
into his cell, "Hey, coach! We did it!"
Viewers would endure this scene several times an evening, even as Michael
Johnson took his place in the NBC broadcast booth as the network's on-air
commentator for the 200-meter finals. "Michael Johnson," one
of the Sydney Olympics' major attractions, had been transmuted from athlete
into apparition, then displayed promiscuously across the "productions'"
many-faceted world, from promotion to feature to performance to commercial,
leaving him everywhere and nowhere, and relegating the forty-three seconds
of his victorious race to a foregone conclusion, an excuse—a tiny
sliver of reality balancing a great inflated balloon of hype.
Television, as Paul Klein of ABC once defined
it, is "the business of selling audiences to advertisers." As
the networks, under pressure from cable, have had increasing trouble attracting
audiences (the network share having declined from more than nine in ten
viewers a quarter-century ago to fewer than half today), "big event"
programming has grown in importance. Long before Survivor and Who
Wants to Be a Millionaire? the great sporting championships were the
prizes of television: the Super Bowl, the World Series, and, above all,
the Olympics. Not only could these be expected to draw the vast audience
that is becoming increasingly difficult to assemble; but, if the programs
were carefully and cleverly "produced"—produced, that is,
not simply as a sporting contest but as an "event" not to be missed—they
might draw an audience well stocked not only with male sports fans (highly
attractive to purveyors of beer, trucks, cars, and other "big ticket"
items), but with women as well (attractive to purveyors of a great deal
else). Such rare audiences can be sold to advertisers for an enormous amount
of money.
To acquire the exclusive rights to broadcast the Sydney games in America,
NBC paid the International Olympic Committee $705 million. The network then
sent its advertising sales-people to corporate America's "media buyers"
and offered to sell them a prospective audience of more than eighteen million
households (an 18.1 "share"), at the rate of $600,000, on average,
for each thirty seconds. And a long list of the world's most prestigious
multinational corporations—Anheuser-Busch, AT&T, Coca-Cola, General
Motors, IBM, McDonald's, Kodak, Nike, and John Hancock, among others—eager
to buy the promised "eyeballs," fell into line, some of them paying
as much as $65 million. (Many of these companies also became "global
sponsors" of the games, paying the International Olympic Committee
$55 million for the right to use the Olympics to sell their product—and
helping the Committee to amass an astonishing $1.9 billion in revenue.)
By the time Americans began to turn their attention to Sydney, NBC had collected
$900 million from advertisers, in return for which it had promised to transform
the "rights" it had bought—to two weeks of pageants, processions,
races, and meets—into huge American audiences. Now, like carvers sharpening
their chisels before a hunk of wood, NBC's army of writers, technicians,
cameramen, and, of course, producers, with the help of an estimated $100
million, turned to the task of "production." They were not "covering
the XXIV Olympiad" but "producing" it, and at the start they
had before them nothing but a great quivering hunk of "content."
"Content," in this contemporary usage,
bespeaks a certain attitude toward all those supposedly separate things—video,
music, writing of all kinds—among which it pointedly refuses to distinguish;
it is an attitude, above all, of mastery. Content is material to be acquired,
acted upon; images, sounds, writing are there to be subjugated, used, controlled.
Out of the vastly diverse content of Sydney, Australia, NBC's producers
needed to construct a story, a narrative, complete with characters, themes,
and subplots designed to attract the broadest possible audience, including
those—mainly women—who they hoped would watch because of the "stars,"
the "drama," the "thrill of the event."
As they had done at the Atlanta games, which (despite some criticism) had
drawn a vast audience and scored a huge financial success, the producers
preselected certain American stars—Michael Johnson and his "shoes
of gold," Marion Jones and her "drive for five" gold medals—and
assembled soft-focus background pieces emphasizing the personal struggles
of the athletes. Building on "marquee" competitions like diving,
gymnastics, and track and field, and concentrating on American athletes,
they carefully packaged each evening's telecasts. For Sydney, these broadcasts
would be constructed entirely of tape segments: features, promotions, interviews,
and, of course, the competitions themselves, all of which would have taken
place at least sixteen hours before. Though it would have been possible
to broadcast many events, including some very popular ones, live, NBC decided
against it. The content would be carefully constructed, assembled, controlled.
Running through the many complaints about NBC's Sydney Olympics—that
programs were "overproduced" and "overedited," that
they were distastefully nationalistic in their focus on American competitors
and solipsistic in their insistence on ignoring when events actually happened,
that they were both choppy in their constant cutting and seamless in their
melding together of commercials and competitions and "features"—was
a single issue, that of control. "Packaging" a race that had occurred
sixteen hours before—of which the viewers, with access not only to
the Internet but to newspapers and other television sports news, already
knew the results—the producers insisted, in effect, that it was happening
now. Broadcasting an event like the decathlon, say, in which an Estonian
won, the producers stubbornly maintained that the American, who finished
third, was the true star. Excerpting a single high jump here, a single javelin
throw there, ignoring the rhythm of the events themselves, the producers
worked relentlessly to force viewers' attention onto those they had already
designated, and the sponsors had already preselected, as the true stars.
Sporting competitions are tiny stories, driven, like most stories, by suspense;
a sporting tournament like the Olympics is a great assemblage of narratives,
small and large, the life-breath of which are doubt, risk, uncertainty,
and, at last, the moment of catharsis. Only after the climax do we return
to the tonal key. A viewer of NBC's Olympics, however, was subjected to
a blizzard of narratives, sometimes hundreds, every hour; but most of these—and,
most important, the ones that offered closure—were either promotions,
features, or commercials.
What was striking about the Olympics was not
only that there were "too many commercials"—though in fact
NBC's "network commercial load" did not greatly exceed that of
a normal prime-time show—but that every part of the broadcast seemed
to become part of a commercial. This was not only a matter of the constant
hype, which, in the case of the most heavily promoted stars, often became
unendurable. ("This is the time to savor and appreciate Michael [Johnson]
as you would a living work of art, a magnificent statue...golden shoes flashing,
a runner for the ages!") Nor was it only the dizzying speed with which
athletes transformed themselves into corporate pitchmen. (American women
soccer players, after kicking the ball around the Olympic playing field,
popped up in a commercial kicking lettuce and watermelons around a grocery
store; Stacy Dragila, after winning the women's pole vault, soared over
the bar a few seconds later in a credit card commercial in which VISA "congratulated"
her.)
More than anything, it was the broadcast's stuttering, jarring pace that
seemed to struggle against the narratives of the races and matches themselves.
The effect was that of one commercial after another, strung together like
beads on a string. A typical sixty minutes of Olympic time, drawn from the
evening of Wednesday, September 20, breaks down thus [2] :
| |
Min./Sec. |
Percentage |
| Total time: |
60:00 |
(100) |
| Commercials (7-8 breaks) |
18:10 |
(30) |
| In-studio banter |
7:00 |
(12) |
| Features (8) |
6:30 |
11 |
| Local News |
1:00 |
2 |
| Sports |
27:20 |
45 |
What stands out is not simply what isn't
there—much sports competition—but what is: a rhythm built of
tiny segments, most of them no longer than thirty seconds. Not only do
the eighteen minutes of commercial time make up at least thirty-two "little
narratives," most of them having Olympic themes and many boasting
the very athletes appearing in the games, but the number of commercial
breaks mean that the "programming" itself usually lasts no more
than six minutes—and those sections are further subdivided by the
promotions, the in-studio banter, and the seven or eight features, many
of which appear indistinguishable from the advertisements themselves:
athletes, shot in slow motion, with quick cuts, alternating black-and-white
and color, all of it overlaid with portentous music. As a result the viewer
saw, on average, no more than three or four minutes of continuous sports
programming. What's more, while the commercials stayed precisely the same—compact
narratives, leading to completion, often involving sports—the contests
remained naggingly open, and NBC, the manipulating voice of authority,
relentlessly "teased" these precious wisps of suspenseful plot
line across scores of commercial breaks, until the most important and
most anticipated events were finally shown to irritated viewers—who
were well aware that the NBC producers could show these taped segments
whenever they chose—only after eleven o'clock
Writing about morning talk shows, Renata Adler once remarked that television
should be thought of not as a species of drama or literature but "more
as a kind of appliance." NBC fed the Olympic Games into its great
grinder, sprinkled in a large helping of commercials, seasoned with features
and promotions and lively chatter, and out of this concoction extruded
for its viewers a two-week stream of tiny bits of "content."
It had done much the same in Atlanta and had been rewarded with critical
acclaim and financial success. But it had failed to notice that in the
years since 1996 the world had changed.
On American soil American triumphalism had seemed endurable; in Sydney
it came to seem increasingly embarrassing. In the first games on US territory
after the end of the cold war, victories over the Chinese and the Russians
could still be portrayed as "American" victories; in Sydney,
references to the "Iron Curtain" and to the "formidable
Chinese" came to seem increasingly archaic and, in imputing simple-minded
nationalism to viewers, almost offensive. In "real-time" Atlanta,
the suspense was real, not manufactured, helping to give the contests
themselves the interest and power to surmount the "soft-focus"
feature stories; in Sydney, NBC's insistence on creating its own solipsistic
world, stubbornly ignoring viewers' greatly increased access to other
information, gave the producers a looming and grasping intrusiveness that
came to seem increasingly antique. NBC had become Big Brother, intent
on controlling where viewers looked, what they saw, whom they applauded.
(It seemed appropriate that in the thousands of words expended during
NBC's broadcasts, the acknowledged corruption of the International Olympic
Committee, and the scandals that have surrounded it in recent years, went
largely unmentioned; after all, NBChad contributed nearly a third of the
Committee's $1.9 billion treasury.
The ubiquitous, unavoidable presence of America's major multinationals,
affixing, in commercial after commercial, their corporate slogans and
images to athletes and to competitions—and penetrating the events
themselves with features like the "IBMReport," the "GM
Moment," and the "Sun America NBC Sports Desk"—made
of the Olympics a spectacle of globalization in its most overbearing,
Americanized aspect. If the Information Age, to its prophets, evokes opportunity,
entrepreneurship, free access to information, the Olympics seemed a crass
spectacle, with world-straddling corporate dinosaurs controlling what
is seen and what is heard and doing it in ponderous slow motion, all the
while hiding in plain sight behind a fixed and patronizing smile.
Notes [1]See David Bauder, "NBC's Coverage No Medal Winner with Nation's TV Critics," Associated Press, September 22, 2000; and Caryn James,
"Sydney 2000: High Camp and the Games' Cookie," The New York
Times, September 27, 2000. [2] These numbers represent an average drawn
from three hours' viewing. See The Ledger (Lakeland, Florida),
September 23, 2000, p. A12.
|